United States of America / USA

A Trump presidency would probably force the UK and EU to intensify their cooperation on security and defence. Fortunately, says Gesine Weber, this relationship was relatively less affected by Brexit. It would also push Europeans to have some difficult conversations about building on their own nuclear deterrent.

The 2024 US presidential election will be closely watched. After all, the potential return of Donald Trump to the White House would have a significant effect on Europe’s security dynamics with profound implications for the European Union. This is raising some uncomfortable questions. Webinar with Max Bergmann (Center for Strategic & International studies), Jana Puglierin (European Council on Foreign Relations, Berlin), Steven Everts (EU Institute for Security Studies), moderated by Teresa Eder, Program Director Foreign & Security Policy, Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung Washington, DC.

2023 was a particularly challenging year. With the highest number of conflicts since 1945, we saw a world at war. It was the hottest year in recorded history, with “climate records tumbling like dominoes”. Challenges don’t disappear with a new year; we know that 2024 will be demanding. This year’s super election cycle is also testimony to the resilience of democracy and offers an opportunity for like-minded states to come together to solve shared challenges. 

US President Joe Biden issued an Executive Order on artificial intelligence that, while different in form and enforcement authority from the EU’s AI Act, targets many of the current risks of the technology. With policies in effect soon, the EU and US have the chance to work together.

Brexit and Britain’s Indo-Pacific tilt may have convinced Germany that the UK is no longer interested in defence co-operation, writes James Rogers. That would be a mistake. The two can build on each other’s strengths in NATO and in the defence of Ukraine.

It’s been one year since the US passed the most significant climate bill in American history. The achievement, after years of failures, offers lessons for progressive movements on building coalitions, creating hopeful narratives, rebuilding trust in government-led solutions, and expanding grassroots support.

One-third of the world’s peatlands are in North America. Those landscapes close to urban areas have suffered severe degradation, and urgent repair work is needed to restore them. In the north of the continent, peatlands are increasingly threatened by the oil and mining industries.

When governments adopt new legislation, they need to check if their plan is in line with international agreements they signed up to. Consumer and digital rights organisations from the EU and the US are concerned that rules in trade agreements could deter domestic regulation that is in the public interest. To address this, the Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung and Transatlantic Consumer Dialogue organised a discussion between NGOs, public officials, parliamentarians, and academics. The NGOs aimed to raise awareness and find solutions to prevent trade rules from discouraging government action and ensure improved protection for citizens writes Léa Auffret.

We’re at a climate tipping point, yet international trade rules remain a persistent barrier to climate action. Momentum is also quickly building toward a digital tipping point: one where Big Tech surveillance is too far out of control to reign in, and where human rights and democracy only exist at the whim of tech corporations. Recurrent trade pressures could impact the willingness of the EU and the US to take action to better protect consumers in the digital market, or even to act to fight against climate change. So how did we get here, and what role do the new US–EU cooperation venues have to play?