Will Serbia’s protest movement lead to a democratic beginning?

In Serbia, tens of thousands have been protesting against the government every day for more than four months. What began as a student protest has become the largest nationwide movement since the fall of Slobodan Milošević in 2000, and has reached the scale of one of the largest student movements in Europe since 1968.

The protests were sparked by the collapse of the canopy of a newly built railway station in Novi Sad on November 1, 2024, which killed 15 people. The protesters see corruption and state failure as the real cause of the disaster behind the construction defects. Since President Vučić's Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) came to power in 2012, the disregard for democratic principles and the rule of law in Serbia has escalated and become a classic case of state capture. The students and their supporters are demanding not only the resignation of the government or the replacement of individual politicians but also the fundamental implementation of the rule of law. Corrupt politicians and criminal clans should finally be held to account, they argue.

Serbia tested by mass protests

Serbia has been experiencing major waves of protest for years. In 2015/2016, thousands of people opposed a large-scale urban development project Belgrade Waterfront, which was seen as opaque, corrupt, and harmful to the environment. The movement was led by the Ne Davimo Beograd (Don't Drown Belgrade) initiative, which has since established itself as a political opposition party, the Zeleno-Levi Front (Green-Left Front).

In 2021, 2022, and 2024 there were major environmental protests against plans to mine lithium, a project in which the EU in particular has a strong interest, with Germany playing a leading role.

Two instances of mass shootings in 2023, one of which was at a Belgrade primary school, led to the broad protest alliance "Serbia against Violence" against the political leadership and its handling of violence and crime. The alliance also gave rise to an opposition coalition of the same name, which was defeated in the December 2023 parliamentary elections despite nationwide dissatisfaction with the government. The lack of electoral success was due to the difficult situation of a divided opposition and elections that were not internationally recognized as free and fair, in which the ruling coalition enjoyed systematic advantages and misused public funds.

For many years, Vučić's government has pursued a foreign policy of zigzagging between the EU and Russia, which helps it project a position of strength and independence outwards. Domestically, President Vučić is a master of targeted escalation to maintain control over society and political opponents, alternating with frequent snap elections. Constant interference in the politics of neighboring countries, aggressive nationalist gestures against the territorial integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the deployment of troops on the border with Kosovo have repeatedly diverted attention from domestic tensions to external sources of conflict.

The protest movement, not the government, sets the pace

This time, however, things seem to be different. Students are driving the protests, the government is under pressure from the nationwide pro-democracy movement.

Despite repeated attacks on demonstrators, the protest movement continues to grow. CRTA, the Centre for Research, Transparency and Accountability counted 410 protests in 165 locations last week alone. By their consistently non-violent resistance, the students and their supporters have destabilized the long-established power structure in Serbia: Prime Minister Miloš Vučević resigned on January 28, a step that should mean the formation of a new government or new elections. However, 45 days later he is still in office. Other members of the government, including Minister of Construction Goran Vesić, had previously submitted their resignations and have also been arrested.

The following are assessments from a telephone conversation with Doroteja Antić (YIHR) on March 12 and emailed responses from Ivana Nikolić (BIRN, YIHR), Bojan Elek, (independent journalist), Ivanka Popović, (university professor, ProGlas) and Radomir Lazović, co-chair of the Green-Left Front.

1. Doroteja Antić, Youth Initiative for Human Rights, activist

Your profile is exposed in an online portal “Prokret ‘Kopačemo’” (“We will dig” movement) as a “student mercenary”. The website, which assembled critical activists, appears to have been initiated by structures close to the government. What is it all about?

The topic of mining and lithium mining plans in Serbia is currently overshadowed by the current protests, we protested against this last summer because of the environmental pollution. Presumably, people close to the government are behind the website, supporting Rio Tinto's ambitions to mine in Serbia. They are using us to claim that we, publicly visible activists, are under the influence of the West. This is just another way to incite people in Serbia against certain other people here who are fighting for better air and a better environment - we are portrayed as enemies of Serbia. This fight is not over, it is just being overlooked at the moment.

What must be done to regain people’s trust in politics? What is the relationship between students and opposition?

People have started to trust students, which is special because for years they had developed a very negative attitude towards politics, now many are interested again.

The opposition parties are trying to keep pace with the students. They want to improve their image and reach, but they are still very weak, especially outside Belgrade. Initially invisible, the opposition is now becoming more active. A week ago there was a mess in the Serbian parliament. In the opposition, there are people with good ideas and the will to do something, who are willing to unite more than before. At some point, people will have to turn to the opposition, if there is a change of government, some of the opposition politicians will also have to take leadership.

What makes you certain that the current protests will bring about lasting change?

It is the first time since Vučić and his party (SNS) have been in power, that people who never were wakened up, are awake, those who were not interested in politics are now at the protests, people have attended hundreds of them since November, some attend 5 per week. This movement did a fantastic thing, large parts of the population are more informed, and they easily can notice mistakes, tabloid spins, and orchestrated campaigns against certain people.

How can the demands of the protests be translated into politics? What expectations do you have for the next political steps?

For the next steps, on March 15 we are going to have a massive protest in Belgrade, possibly the biggest one so far. That day can be a game-changer, some things are going to be more clear afterwards. People are really thinking this may be the day when we change history. There is the idea of a transitional government, with Vučić stating literally this Monday "You'll have to kill me to get a transitional government".

2. Ivana Nikolić, Youth Initiative for Human Rights, journalist

What is the state of press freedom in Serbia?

Many media watchdogs have raised concerns about Serbia becoming a hub for Russian disinformation, with state-owned Russian media outlets such as RT Balkan and Sputnik Serbia freely spreading disinformation and fake news. This situation fosters a dangerous, hostile, and undemocratic environment for journalists and creates significant barriers for Serbian citizens, who face numerous obstacles in accessing reliable information.

What is the blockade of RTS and other state broadcast stations about?

The public broadcasters RTS (Radio Televizija Srbije) and RTV (Radio Televizija Vojvodine), as well as many other state and private media in Serbia, have long been aligned with the interests of the Serbian government. RTS and RTV have always presented an extremely one-sided view of current affairs, which has led to a significant erosion of public trust in these institutions. In the past, citizens have repeatedly protested against the reporting of RTS.

With the blockade of RTS and RTV in Belgrade and Novi Sad, students demanded more objective reporting on their protests against corruption. Triggered by an RTS reporter referring to the students as “rulja”, a highly derogatory term for a mob in Serbian, the protest lasted 22 hours with clashes with police. RTS and President Vučić falsely claimed a police officer was injured by protesters, which led to thousands protesting outside RTS and demanding a video of the attack to be broadcast. When it was released, it showed that the officer had been attacked by his police colleagues and not by students. The students and citizens are demanding unbiased, objective reporting and have the right to be angry.

3. Bojan Elek, independent analyst and journalist

What is the state of media freedom in Serbia?

Media freedom in Serbia has been in freefall for years, with the country ranking poorly in global press freedom indexes. The ruling party has consolidated control over major media outlets, particularly television which remains the primary source of information for most citizens. Investigative outlets and independent journalists face constant pressure, including legal harassment (SLAPPs), financial threats, and even physical violence. The student protests have highlighted how state-controlled media manipulate narratives, particularly by focusing on the extremely biased and unprofessional reporting done by the national public broadcaster. This has further eroded public trust in mainstream media and driven more people towards independent sources of information, specifically on social media where disinformation is rampant. Research shows that Serbs are actively avoiding mainstream news content, more than in any country of the region, which speaks volumes about their levels of trust.

What is the potential of these mass protests for the media situation?

The occupation of RTS was a strong call for a professional national broadcaster to work in the public interest, but lasting change needs more than symbolic acts like this. Unless the pressure is kept up, the media system will remain crooked.  Real change means breaking state control over media funding, dismantling the network of disinformation actors, and protecting independent journalists. The protests have acted as a catalyst, but much remains to be done.

How can the demands of the protests be translated into political and parliamentary action? What are your expectations for the next steps?

The big challenge is to turn the astonishing levels of street energy into real, tangible political change. The system is captured by the ruling party and the opposition is weak and divided. This is why students are at the center of the political arena, as actors who are driving change, but who have yet to articulate clear demands for long-term institutional change beyond insisting on the rule of law and political accountability. What many see as the only peaceful outcome is the creation of an expert, technical government with a limited mandate to meet the students' demands and prepare the country for free and fair elections.

How do you see the relationship between the protesters and the opposition?

While the demonstrators and their supporters express widespread discontent with the government, this does not necessarily translate into support for the opposition. Perhaps a tactical move by the students in the early stages - staying away from politicians, movements, and NGOs altogether - certainly contributed to their initial successes. But for a political solution, there has to be a political process, and the opposition is the natural partner in that. We have to wait and see how this will unfold, especially now that the Serbian Prime Minister has resigned and a new government has to be formed or general elections to be organized.

What is your expectation for March 15?

I hope we will not see the kind of large-scale violence that the Serbian President has announced. Based on the initial information, this is regarded as potentially the largest protest in Serbian history. The ruling coalition is visibly weakened and it is becoming increasingly more difficult to muster supporters, while there might be several hundred thousand people in Belgrade streets protesting. On top of that, students are adding the element of surprise by not disclosing all plans too far in advance so as to avoid diversion. Whatever happens this Saturday, the stakes are high and the impact will be critical.

4. Ivanka Popović, University professor, former director University of Belgrade, Proglas

How do you see these protests compared to those Serbia has seen in the last few years, what's different?

The difference would be a growing awareness in the country that the rampant corruption and abuse of power by the governing party in Serbia are directly endangering the lives and well-being of Serbian citizens. The collapse of the canopy in Novi Sad that killed 15 and maimed two was the most extreme case so far of government abuse and lack of rule of law.

Last year there was a lot of resistance to the planned lithium mining in Serbia's Jadar Valley. Is the project currently off the table?

No, the project is not off the table and is discretely being continued.  However, the origins of the problems regarding the Jadar project are the same as that of the Novi Sad tragedy. Thus, the current protests implicitly also relate to the issues regarding the Jadar project.

A crucial question is how can the demands of the protests be translated into political and parliamentary action.

As the protests are occurring in a captured state, usual political and parliamentary actions are challenging. At the moment mass protests are the most potent means of conveying public demands for the rule of law and independent institutions.

How do you see the relationship between the protesters and the opposition?

There is a lack of understanding between the two for various reasons and the opposition must bear the consequences of its previous poor performance. On the other hand, if there is to be a resolution to the situation that we now have, the two will need to find ways to work together.

How to regain people's trust in politics?

Political parties and politicians will have to put in a lot of effort to regain trust. Opposition parties in the national parliament would do well to learn from the experience of citizens’ groups and movements working on relevant issues in local communities.

5. Radomir Lazović, Co-Chair party Green-Left Front (Zeleno-Levi Front)

In the current political crisis, what does the opposition stand for, and what political proposals has Green-Left Front?

Serbia is facing the biggest political crisis so far. The dissatisfaction of the citizens culminated after the death of 15 people as a result of corruption during the reconstruction of the railway station in Novi Sad. Hundreds of thousands of citizens stood up in every municipality and in over 300 populated places in Serbia demanding responsibility for the consequences of corruption, demanding that institutions do their job, that laws apply equally to everyone, and that the media objectively report on social problems. Citizens see and feel these problems at every step and in their daily lives. The authorities have no response to the students' demands except to avoid responsibility, and now to provoke violence. The highest state officials announcee that unprecedented violence would occur at the protest in Belgrade on March 15, and some, like Vladimir Đukanović, SNS MP, went so far as to announce the shooting and killing of gathered citizens and students.

Green-Left Front believes that the only solution to get out of this crisis is the formation of a transitional government that would have a time-limited mandate to ensure free elections, free media and urgently stop the theft of public funds through large infrastructure projects.

As Serbia recently had elections that were brutally stolen, which is why the European Parliament adopted a resolution condemning this theft, one of the main tasks of this government would be to revise the voter list and create conditions for fair elections. The government would also have the task of creating conditions for objective media reporting. The media that is now controlled by the regime must be freed, especially those that use national frequencies and public service, which have become the regime's propaganda outlets. 

Green-Left Front has initiated meetings of all opposition parties and will insist that non-parliamentary organizations and civil society, such as the ProGlas organization, get involved in the harmonization of this proposal so that it receives the widest possible support from the citizens at the protests because otherwise it will be manipulated by the authorities.

How do you see the relationship between the protesters and the opposition?

These are student protests that are supported by a huge number of citizens of all political ideas, but also by the majority of social groups such as lawyers, farmers, and educators. In all of this, the opposition parties have the role of support and political articulation of students' demands. In the proposal that we put forward for the transitional government, the first step is to fulfill the student demands so that Serbia can move forward.

How can people's trust in politics be regained?

By fighting together in every way to change the criminal regime of the Serbian Progressive Party and create a society of equality, justice and sustainable development. Green-Left Front believes that this struggle must be waged in all ways, including in institutions, legal processes, and at protests and blockades, and by obtaining international support.

What are the expectations for March 15th?

We are very concerned about the constant divisions and attempts by the authorities to incite conflict. While writing this, the SNS is organizing its own counter-meeting by setting up a camp for its supporters in the area where the students had planned to protest on March 15. This is a big security risk, especially considering that this camp includes known criminals, thugs, and even parts of the structure of Slobodan Milošević's regime that participated in the wars in Bosnia and Croatia. It seems that the government wants to provoke conflicts and violence, which we condemn most loudly.

At the time of publication, the opposition is concerned that President Aleksandar Vučić is planning to lift the immunity of opposition leaders in the course of the upcoming protest weekend in order to arrest them on charges of terrorism and undermining the constitutional order.

Parts of the text are AI-translated from German and Serbian.