1. Rotating Presidencies: limited room for manoeuvre
What sort of impact do rotating presidencies have on the European agenda? They can bring a good deal to the European Union: the many different views on European development that are found in the 27 Member States; the varied approaches to deepening and widening the Union and different traditions in external relations. Some presidencies have left a definite mark on the history of the EU and they have not always been the larger states. Good examples are the 1993 Danish presidency and the adoption of the famous Copenhagen Criteria establishing accession criteria for new Member States; the 2000 Portuguese presidency and the launching of the Lisbon Strategy; and in the case of Belgium, the December 2001 Laeken Declaration that signalled an ambitious reform of the European Treaties with the aim of developing a constitution. Given its traditions as a founder member of the European (Economic) Community and its long standing support of European integration, one can expect the Belgian presidency, in this difficult time of global economic crisis, to implement measures already agreed and develop new ideas for the EU.
There are, however, three factors that increasingly limit the rotating presidency’s room for manoeuvre. Research has shown that it can have an impact on only around 10 percent of the EU’s agenda. What are these limiting factors?
a) The European Council (composed of heads of state and government), the President of the European Commission and the various specialised ministerial councils all work to an agenda that is largely predetermined by previous agreements and the routine operation of the institutional machinery. Continuity is assured to a great extent by Member State diplomats, by the Permanent Representatives’ Committee (COREPER) with its secretariat in the Justus Lipsius building in Brussels and by the services of the commission under President Barroso.
b) For many years the European Council has used the ‘trio’ to ensure a greater level of coordination from one presidency to the next. Under this system, the acting, previous and subsequent presidencies cooperate. For the last two years the Belgian government has been working with the governments of Spain (previous presidency) and Hungary (following presidency) at diplomatic and expert level. The three governments jointly approved a programme covering the three presidencies that was made public in Brussels when Spain took over the presidential reins in January 2010. This programme provides the framework for the Belgian presidency just as it did for the Spanish and includes three key areas: a) the Lisbon Strategy to ensure that the EU keeps up with economic, technological, environmental and social developments; b) neighbourhood and enlargement policy; c) the EU’s role in international organisations in a multi-polar world.
c) The Treaty of Lisbon entered into force on 1 December 2009 and it provides the legal framework within which the Belgian presidency has to operate. It is composed of two treaties, the Treaty on European Union (TEU) and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union and it significantly limits the rotating presidency in favour of two new institutional figures:
1. The permanent president of the European Council is a full time post, guaranteeing continuity in the EU’s principal political institution. The holder is elected by the European Council (using qualified majority voting) for a term of two and half years, renewable once, (Treaty on European Union TEU art. 15.5). The post cannot be held alongside any national mandate and replaces the role previously played by the head of government of the country holding the rotating presidency. The new treaties strengthen the European Council and the role of its president. He chairs and guides the work of the council, assuring preparation of the agenda, continuity and represents the Union on the international stage. The implications of this office being held by a former Belgian prime minister, Herman Van Rompuy, are examined later in this article.
2. The High Representative (HR) of the Union on Foreign Affairs and Security Policy (see TEU art. 27) helps elaborate and implement decisions adopted by the European Council, has international representational functions and is supported by a European External Action Service (EEAS). Following a vote in the European Council, confirmed by the European Parliament, Lady Ashton, former Commissioner for Trade, was appointed the HR and took up her duties on 1 December 2009. She is also a Vice President of the European Commission and “will ensure the consistency of the Union's external action” (TEU art. 18). Furthermore she presides over the new Foreign Affairs Council. The consequence of this is that neither foreign nor security policy in the strict sense falls within the remit of the rotating presidency. There are a number of ministerial councils that have an international relations dimension in their area of competence: for example Ecofin and the Council on Competitiveness. They all have to adhere to a common framework under the responsibility of the HR.
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Table of Contents
1. Rotating Presidencies: limited room for manoeuvre
How much room for manoeuvre has the Belgian presidency?
2. The special circumstances of the Belgian presidency 2010
3. Programme Priorities
The global crisis and the need for economic, environmental and social modernisation
Neighbourhood and enlargement policy
The EU in the world: relations with East Asia
Mario Telo, president of the Institute for European studies (IEE) of the Université Libre de Bruxelles during four years, is currently its vice-president and in charge of international relations. He was professor at many universities in the Americas, East Asia and Europe. Mario Telo has written 21 books and about 100 scientific articles published in ten different languages. Among his recent books are: The EU: A Civilian Power?, Palgrave 2005; The EU and New Regionalism, Ashgate 2007; The EU and Global Governance, Routledge 2009 and International Relations. A European Perspective, Ashgate 2009. He was several times advisor to the EU Council Presidency, the EU Commission and the European Parliament.
This project has been funded with support from the European Commission.
This article reflects the views only of the author, and the Commission cannot be held responsible for any use which may be made of the information contained therein.